Welcome to UK420

Register now to gain access to all of our features. Once registered and logged in, you will be able to contribute to this site by submitting your own content or replying to existing content. You'll be able to customize your profile, receive reputation points as a reward for submitting content, while also communicating with other members via your own private inbox, plus much more!

This message will be removed once you have signed in.

Sign in to follow this  
Followers 0

A History of Cannabis

52 posts in this topic

Thanks for clearing that up about the taxonomy, you'll have to excuse my ignorance. I also now know a lot more about Indian geography, very insightful stuff.

The Indians that I know in the Cape, tell me that they are descended from Gujurati stock. It appears that they arrived after the labourers in the sugar plantations. So I did a little more digging and Google gave me these few gems aswell.

The Dutch first brought Indian slaves to the Cape.

"A significant proportion of slaves imported into the Cape were from India including Bangladesh. These slaves from Goa, Kerala and Bengal were likely to have been sold to Dutch traders by Muslim rulers such as Mughals at the time.The Dutch in particular had good trade relations with Muslim rulers in India during the 1600s."

It sounds like the Prabhus were bad for business. I will try and find out more background info on them.

"An early Indian to settle in South Africa was Kalaga Prabhu, a Goud Saraswat Brahmin merchant from Cochin. He was the foremost among the Konkani merchants in Cochin (modern day Kochi in Kerala). As punishment for conspiring with the Mysorean Muslim king Hyder Ali to overthrow the king of Cochin, Kalaga Prabhu and his son Chorda Prabhu were arrested by the Dutch and exiled with their families for life to the Cape of Good Hope in 1771. No further record of this individual and his descendants if any exists."

Then it moves on to the time of British occupation.

"The modern South African Indian community is largely descended from Indians who arrived in South Africa from 1860 onwards. The first 342 of these came on board the Truro from Madras, followed by the Belvedere from Calcutta. They were transported as indentured labourers to work on the sugarcane plantations of Natal Colony, and, in total, approximately 150,000 Indians arrived as indentured labourers over a period of 5 decades, later also as indentured coal miners and railway workers. The indentured labourers tended to speak Tamil, Telugu and Hindi, and the majority were Hindu with Christians and a few Muslims among them. Indians were imported as it was found by colonial authorities that local black Africans were economically self-sufficient, and thus unwilling to subject themselves to employment by colonial farmers, while other colonial authorities believed that the "hunting and warrior" African culture of the time was incompatible with a sudden shift to employed labour."

As you rightly say, it was just slavery by another name.

"Indentured labourers on sugar plantations were frequently mistreated, and lived in unsanitary conditions. A large percentage of indentured labourers returned to India following the expiry of their terms, and some of those who returned alerted authorities in India to abuses taking place in Natal, which led to new safeguards being put in place before further recruiting of indentured labourers was allowed to take place."

Hmm, very green fingered by the sound of it. The plot thickens

"Former indentured labourers who didn't return to India quickly established themselves as an important general labour force in Natal particularly as industrial and railway workers, with others engaging in market gardening, growing most of the vegetables consumed by the white population."

The next influx, from India.

"The remaining Indian immigration was from passenger Indians, comprising traders(mainly Muslims) and others who migrated to South Africa shortly after the indentured labourers, paid for their own fares and travelled as British Subjects. These immigrant Indians who became traders were from varying religious backgrounds, few being Hindu and majority being Muslims from Gujarat (including Memons and Surtis), later joined by Kokanis, and Urdu speakers from Uttar Pradesh. These Muslims played an important part in the establishment of Islam in the areas where they settled. There was also a significant number of Gujarati Hindus in this group. Indian traders were sometimes referred to as "Arab traders" because of their dress, as large numbers of them were Muslim."

The first written book, in the Afrikaans language is a translation of the Koran. Muslim scholars and clerics from Turkey arrived in the Cape as the Muslim population boomed in the 18th century. They set about building mosques and krammats all over the peninsula. They may well have introduced some Turkish seeds too.

It is certainly a melting pot of genetics that found their way down here.

On another historical note, I once read it somewhere that Bangladesh translates into English as Land of Cannabis. Is that true?

Share this post

Link to post

Kalaga Prabhu tried to play off the differing factions of Dutch, Jewish and Muslims and it back fired, leading to his exile.

Interestingly, he had earlier built a temple at Cherlai with granite stones. The temple was dedicated to Lord Shiva and worshipped as Vasukewara, which was later renamed to Keraleswara. It is believed that the linga of Shiva was brought by him from the shores of Lake Rameswaram.

Baba Prabhu was the best Konkani merchant in conchin. He was a wheeler and a dealer and also a brahmmin, a temple builder. Quite a serious devotee of Lord Shiva by the looks of things.

Share this post

Link to post

I doubt this Kalaga Prabhu character has anything to do with the arrival of Indian cannabis varieties in South Africa. Though, if there was regular trade with Cochin, then Kerala is a possible origin. But I think it is indentured labourers who are far and away more likely to be the source, assuming Indian strains were introduced, which seems likely. Regular cannabis use was and is primarily associated with low social status in India.

My memory says that colonials banned cannabis use quite early on in South Africa, whereas in the Caribbean colonies the British were still shipping cannabis from India to the plantations as late as the 1930s. There is this from the TNI document on The Rise and Decline of Cannabis Prohibition:

"South Africa was another of the first states to control cannabis. An 1870 law, tightened in 1887, prohibited use and possession by Indian immigrants, principally due to the perception that white rule was threatened by the consumption of dagga, as it was known.14 Nevertheless, cannabis was widely used for pleasure and medicinal and religious purposes by rural Africans and did not constitute a problem.15 Pressure to prohibit cannabis was growing elsewhere in the 1880s, as temperance movements expanded their mandate from alcohol to other psychoactive substances and against intoxication in general.16 But it was not inevitable that such concerns would lead to a ban on cannabis."

From the first post of yours, the majority of indentured labourers were being shipped in from Calcutta and Madras, two of the major coastal cities established by the East India Company. It says that "The indentured labourers tended to speak Tamil, Telugu and Hindi." Tamil is the language spoken in what is now Tamil Nadu. There was certainly ganja consumption and cultivation around there, and still is, so that is one of the many likely sources of India genetics for South Africa. You can read about cultivation in Madras in the Indian Hemp Drugs Commission.

The Indian Hemp Drugs Commission (1894)


Telugu is spoken in many places, especially Andra in East India, but also further south. Hindi is from north India, anywhere from Bihar (then western Bengal, through to Gujarat). All of these places had, and still have, ganja production and consumption, so I don't think it is possible to be much more specific than that about probable sources of Indian genetics.

Edited by namkha

Share this post

Link to post

Do you have a link for the Merlin paper that you mentioned, please?

Yep, it is linked to in this post here





Economic Botany 57(3) pp. 295–323. 2003


That and the original Russo article are worth a read


Share this post

Link to post

Thanks for the links, I've got plenty of reading, to keep me occupied.

So ganja is only a working man's libation, in India? I imagined that it be used by all castes. I also find it interesting that the caste system continued, after the Indians emigrated to Africa and still continues to this day.

The deeply Calvinistic, Afrikaaner colonials of the Cape and Orange free state considered it a noxious, devilish weed and they didn't allow any cultivation. Though that wasnt the case with the British colonials in Natal and the Transvaal. Cultivation was allowed and for many years dagga was supplied to black mine workers to enhance their work performance. At the beginning of the 20th Century, the Chamber of Mines instituted more breaks during working hours, in order to give the opportunity to the workers to smoke dagga in order to improve their work performance. The mine storekeepers dealt to the miners, with the full approval of the management.

"In 1887, the report of the Indian immigration commission on the Natal Colony said hemp was as "baneful" for Indian people as it was for black people. It linked ­cannabis and hemp to crime, laziness and "dagga insanity".

This is one angle the legalisation movements use here, in their campaigns. The fact that these are old, racist laws left over from the coloniser's times.

"Concern spread to the international stage, with South Africa asking the League of Nations (the precursor of the United Nations) to add hemp to the list of banned drugs in 1923 because it was the "most important of all habit-forming drugs". In 1928 the cultivating and use of Dagga was prohibited in South Africa." That temperance movement went a bit over the top, I would say. It's crazy to think that at the same time it was getting outlawed, that the British were cashing in by shipping the stuff to plantations and mines all over the world. Keeping the slaves and labourers hard at work, but very high.

Another more about traditional use, in East and South Africa.

"Certain African tribes have over the years made good use of Cannabis. In Tanzania this drug found its way into a diet in the southern highlands where Cannabis seeds and leafs were used during the preparation of certain vegetable dishes. Traditional doctors in Tanzania made extracts of the cannabis plant, which they then used to cure ear ache. It is claimed that cannabis entered South Africa via Mozambique. In Basotho tradition, cannabis has long been used to ease childbirth an appreciation for its analgesic properties".

Edited by capetonian
1 person likes this

Share this post

Link to post

So ganja is only a working man's libation, in India? I imagined that it be used by all castes.

Indian culture has two separate ways to rank people's social status: class, and caste - it's a double nightmare.

In terms of class, you are definitely more likely to find a labourer smoking ganja than, say, a bank clerk.

Caste is fucking complicated. But, as one example, cultivating cannabis in the Himalaya is not something a Pahari Brahmin (high caste) would traditionally want to be seen to do, e.g. in the Kumaon Himalaya. It is associated with lower caste groups like Doms, or with tribal groups.

Going back to cannabis and class, this is changing a bit as young wealthier Indians are getting more 'Western' in the way they smoke - .e.g students or metropolitan professionals smoking every day.

In terms of the Indian social groups that use cannabis regularly: labourers, small traders, religious mendicants, lower castes, some tribal groups etc.

If higher caste higher status people partake then typically it will be at something like an annual festival or a wedding - a ritual observance, not habitual use, as habitual use carries social stigma in the eyes of most Indians.

Edited by namkha

Share this post

Link to post

The flow of migration between India and Africa, wasn't all one way. There is an Indian tribe, called the Siddhi and they are descended from African slaves. Are they considered to be outcasts?

Egypt, under French rule, was the first African country to prohibit the use of hash. The laws were upgraded in 1879 and continued to become increasingly severe.

In Hashish, by RCC it states that "the habit commenced with the lower orders of people and pilgrims and is now common among the people of the metropolis and other towns."

Share this post

Link to post

Egypt was the first jurisdiction to ever prohibit cannabis, yes, but the first time they did it was a long time before the Napoleonic era.

Cannabis use had reached Arab Western Asia by the 11th century. By the 13th century it had reached Egypt. Sufis are generally credited with bringing it there.

In 1378 Emir Soudom Sheikhouni ordered eradication and prohibition of cultivation in his territory (part of modern day Egypt) to stamp out hashish use among the poorer classes. Any caught with cannabis would have their teeth pulled out.

15 years later cannabis use had increased.

I don't know anything about the Siddis,beyond what I just read on Wikipedia. There are also the Habashis, who were African rulers of Bengal for some time. I doubt either group had anything to do with transmitting cannabis across the Indian ocean.

Share this post

Link to post

Hi, do you still have the file for the link at the start, it is dead link


Share this post

Link to post

History of Cannabis and its Preparations in Saga, Science and Sobriquet

by Ethan Russo (2007)

"A geographic map based on the results depicted an epicenter of origin for C. sativa ["fibre hemp] in current Kazakhstan, and one for C. indica ["drug cannabis"] in the Western Himalayas"

Dr. Russo: Cannabis originated in Central Asia and

perhaps the Himalayan foothills. There are converging

lines of evidence, including a center of biological diversity

there, and biochemical data that support this.

There is no trace of its presence in the Western Hemisphere

before the 16th century.


slightly confusing statements... he seems to be saying that the wild populations in places like the Punjab foothills of the Himalaya may be descended directly from indigenous truly wild cannabis... whereas cannabis in the higher mountains e.g. Kullu is cultivated, and the wild populations are not truly wild but escaped...

would be interesting if cannabis cultivation in the Western Himalaya (i.e. Kashmir to Nepal) does only go back to the 16th century... I think there is pollen evidence that strongly suggests this

Share this post

Link to post

there is a mistake in this: it's “Jai Kali Ma” ('Victory to Mother Kali), not “Jai Kali Mai” - but it is really good.

PART ONE – Marijuana Use in Latin America and the Caribbean


Hemp fiber, made from Cannabis sativa (one of two widespread species of Cannabis, the other being C. indica), was produced for several millennia in locations that constitute modern-day China, India, the Middle East, North Africa, and Europe. Cannabis was also consumed for its intoxicating effects, either by smoking the leaf, smoking hashish (a by-product), ingesting cannabis oil, or brewing drinks from the herb. Cannabis was among the first species that arrived in Latin America as part of the Columbian exchange (the massive two-way transfer of species between the Eastern and Western Hemisphere that began in 1492). It would be also be accurate to say that Cannabis made the Columbian exchange possible—the first transatlantic ships only reached the Western Hemisphere thanks to the hemp fibers that provided the ropes and cords to rig the ship’s sails, prompting the amusing observation that Cannabis, not Columbus, enabled the conquest of the Americas.

Commercial and imperial transatlantic voyages required a large supply of hemp. As a result, in 1545, the Spanish Crown mandated the growing of hemp (or cáñamo in Spanish) in the American colonies. There is evidence that several plantations in Mexico and Chile were successful, but overall, hemp production in the colonial period was limited to select regions and nowhere close to satisfying demand for the substance (prompting the Crown in 1777 to renew the call for planting hemp in the colonies). Similarly, hemp growing was given official sanction in the North American colonies of Virginia, Maryland, and Quebec, and many settlers (including George Washington) grew the plant themselves. Meanwhile, maritime technological innovations that included developments in the hemp fiber extraction process, spurred Dutch dominance in the 17th century Atlantic waters.

Who smoked the herb in the Americas? At first, a small percentage of sailors, settlers and slaves likely did, given that use of the plant was common around the Mediterranean and in Western and Central Africa, where those sailors and immigrants came from. The stronghold of colonial-era cannabis use was in northeast Brazil. The herb reached there in the mid-1500s, probably from the African coast, but it could have as easily traveled there from Portugal (where it was known as erva santa, the holy herb) or from islands in the Atlantic. In northeast Brazil, cannabis came to be known as fumo-de-angola (Angolan smoke) or by names such as diamba, liamba, riamba, maconha, and gingongó, all derived from Quimbundo and other languages in present-day Angola and Congo. Smoking marijuana must have been attractive to enslaved persons doing hard plantation work, either as a painkiller for their sore muscles or to help them mentally escape the daily oppressive rigors of slave life. Still, colonial-era Brazilian plantation records are mostly silent on cannabis.

Most indigenous societies across the continent did not adopt the herb into their social and cultural practices at first. Cannabis found strong competition for its mind-altering abilities from plants indigenous to the Americas that were already integrated into the cultural and social practices of various communities. Mesoamerica had its peyote and ololiuhqui; the Andean region had its coca; and much of South America and the Caribbean knew of tobacco and its trance-inducing properties. For example, in the Andean region, during the colonial era, it is possible that populations used to consuming the coca leaf for recreation and spiritual purposes were just not interested in a weaker, foreign alternative. On the other hand, marijuana found spaces to flourish in the margins of colonial society—in indigenous and mestizo areas adjacent to urban centers, for example. In Atlixco, Puebla, around the site of a hemp farm run by the Hernández family, Indians had replanted marijuana (or pipilzintzintlis as they called it) and were using for divination purposes. The backland frontier areas of Brazil, where blacks, whites, and Indians mingled more freely, was another place where common people might have grown and used the herb in peace. There is evidence of cannabis use in the maroon mega-colony Palmares (1630-1694), for example.

In the 19th century the scale of marijuana use appears to have increased dramatically in the Americas. Historical documents point especially to three areas—Brazil, Mexico, and the West Indies. We turn to these three regions now.


For Brazil, there is evidence to suggest that by the late 1800s the herb had spread to many areas of the country, but especially where black people predominated. Visitors to slave plantations in 19th century Pernambuco and Minas Gerais recounted seeing slaves regularly smoking maconha. It appears that some slave-owners allowed slaves to grow Cannabis between rows of sugarcane; the masters themselves usually preferred smoking tobacco. It is quite conceivable that farmers and fisherfolk found the herb useful (or at least not detrimental) for their productivity while at work. Large numbers of common people traveled around 19th century Brazil to participate in military campaigns—none greater than the Paraguayan war—a phenomenon that likely introduced the herb into new regions. In urban areas of nineteenth-century Brazil, meanwhile, free persons and slaves smoked marijuana as they congregated in public spaces for their cultural and intellectual pursuits. What of Brazilian elites—did they partake of the herb? Here is one fascinating tale: in 1817, as Queen Carlota Joaquina of Portugal (who had spent several years in exile in Rio) lay on her deathbed in Lisbon, she relented and asked her slave Felisbino to bring her “an infusion of the fibers of diamba do amazonas,” so that she could die in peace. Leaving aside whether the tale is true or not, the fact it existed and survived suggests that while elites did not commonly use cannabis, they may have tried it in secret (to the amusement of non-elites).

Publicly, however, elites began passing laws at the municipal level restricting the herb, often in conjunction with Afro-Brazilian cultural expressions including drumming and dancing. The cities that outlawed the sale and/or public use of marijuana included Rio de Janeiro (1830), Caxias (1846), and São Luís (1866), although it is unclear whether the laws were enforced. White elites seem to have associated cannabis use with black people, and the practice may have taken on an element of cultural resistance; at the first Afro-Brazilian congress in Recife in 1934, the delegates—a virtual who’s who of the leading Afro-Brazilianist scholars of the day, including Gilberto Freyre—were comfortable with defining marijuana as part of an Afro-Brazilian cultural tradition. By the early 20th century, however, marijuana was probably a multi-racial drug. Also, at least one indigenous community, the Tenetehara of Maranhão, was known to have integrated the use of hashish into their spiritual practices.


The British Caribbean developed a marijuana habit around the mid- to late-19th century along with the importation of indentured laborers from India who replaced African slaves on the sugar plantations after abolition. Most “East Indian” migrants departed from the port of Calcutta in the colony of Bengal (where India’s largest marijuana fields, the 60,000 acre Ganja Mahal, flourished in the 19th century) destined for the sugar plantations in Trinidad, Guyana, Jamaica, and other Caribbean islands. East Indians shared ganja (a commonly used Indian term for marijuana) with each other and with local Afro-Caribbeans at a price substantially lower than that of its main competitor, rum. As one 19th century East Indian laborer testified: “ganja is three cent… dat time rum no selling, whole half bottle is forty cents, nobody no want… dem smoking ganja, singing like hell, eating like hell.” [Mahabir 1985: 58] Plantation owners pushed rum as an alternative to ganja, however, because they could profit from it. They found ready allies in missionaries who were convinced in the sinful nature of the “vile weed.” Yet ganja remained relevant in the Caribbean. It could be found in boom-town cities like Colon (Costa Rica) and Panama City, where Jamaican and Barbadian workers building canals and railroads chose to consume it regularly. It could also be found among ex-slave communities deep in the forests of the Guyanas and the mountains of Jamaica, far from persecution. For Jamaica, scholars have suggested that East Indian spiritual leaders and their ganja-induced chants of “Jai Kali Mai” were the inspiration for parallel African spiritual groups, who adopted ganja as a sacrament and developed similar chants such as “Jah Rastafari.” Indeed, ganja had become a significant part of Jamaican culture.


Prior to the 1840s, traveler accounts from Mexico do not carry descriptions of cannabis usage; only a few people cultivated pipilzintzintlis. From the 1840s to the 1870s, the practice spread significantly, and the word marijuana / mariguana / marihuana came to be used more commonly (there are multiple etymological possibilities for its origin). Several reports and traveler accounts surfaced, claiming that soldiers in the Mexican military were being lazy after smoking marijuana; that captives in two Jalisco prisons were using it; that the herb could be found in the streets of Mexico City, or steadily along the Pacific coast between Puerto Vallarta and Acapulco. In the 1880s, the Mexican yellow press turned decidedly towards sensationalist reporting on issues considered “vices.” They mainly focused on crimes involving alcohol, but marijuana (along with morphine and opium) also found space in tabloid newspapers, to the tune of 763 mentions between 1880 and 1922. Soldiers and prisoners, it seems, smoked the most weed in Mexico, followed by urban laborers and other members of the working class. The media alleged that marijuana caused madness and violence, and to this end painted vivid, scary pictures of marijuana users who allegedly transformed into animal-like monsters and began killing sprees for no apparent reason. They were backed by psychiatrists, medical scholars, legal experts, and other members of Mexico’s burgeoning intelligentsia elite whose observations often exaggerated or misread the effects of the weed. Eventually in 1920, at a moment when bands of revolutionary fighters were roaming Mexico reluctant to put down their arms, the government passed a nationwide law banning marijuana.

As we shall see in the following part, the global prohibition of marijuana was spurred, at key moments, by policymakers and historical actors from within Latin America. Yet already in the late 19th century, as Latin American elites pursued Europhilic ideals of progress, they increasingly disparaged mestizos, blacks, and indigenous people who practiced what they saw as non-European and non-Christian culture, including smoking weed. Despite elite fears and the sensationalism of the yellow press, the reality of marijuana usage is not hard to discern. Take Mexico, for example: In an age of rapid economic development, Mexicans from various provinces began traveling the country, building infrastructure, joining the military, or fighting in the revolution (1910-1920). Soldiers, especially, spent weeks or months at a time waiting for orders to engage in battle; during such idle times, they likely shared marijuana with each other to pass the time, build camaraderie, engage in creative efforts, or relieve stress. Such a lifestyle could lead to humor, such as the folk song sung by Pancho Villa’s troops that made fun of General Victoriano Huerta’s troops as lazy and stoned: “La cucaracha ya no puede caminar, porque no tiene marihuana que fumar.” [Campos 2012: 162-63] Still, it was dangerous to consume marijuana, for many users were thrown into Mexican prisons and mental hospitals (where, to keep themselves sane in a crazy environment, they probably continued consuming it.)

“Reefer madness” was one of the many stereotypes that characterized the chasm between elite culture and working-class culture that marked Latin America at the dawn of the 20th century. However, while the stage was set for populist movements to transform class and race hierarchies, the persecution of marijuana was about to get worse.



Angrosino, Michael V. “Rum and Ganja: Indenture, Drug Foods, Labor Motivation, and the evolution of the modern Sugar industry in Trinidad.” In Drugs, Labor, and Colonial Expansion, edited by William Jankowiak and Daniel Bradburd, 101-116. Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 2003.

Assunção, Matthias Röhrig. “Popular Culture and Regional Society in 19th Century Maranhão, Brazil.” Bulletin of Latin American Research 14, no. 3 (1995): 265-286.

Barros, André and Marta Peres. “Proibição da Maconha no Brasil e suas Raízes Históricas Escravocratas.” Revista Periferia (UERJ) 3, no. 2 (2012).

Booth, Martin. Cannabis: A History. London: Doubleday, 2003.

Campos, Isaac. Home Grown: Marijuana and the Origins of Mexico’s War on Drugs Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2012.

Chevannes, Barry. “Criminalizing cultural practice: the case of ganja in Jamaica.” In Caribbean Drugs: from Criminalization to Harm reduction, edited by Axel Klein, Marcus Day, and Anthony Harriott, 67-81. Kingston: Ian Randle, 2004.

Hutchinson, Harry William. “Patterns of Marihuana Use in Brazil.” In Cannabis and Culture, edited by Vera Rubin, 173-184. The Hague: Mouton de Gruyter, 1975.

Mahabir, Noor Kumar. The Still Cry: Personal Accounts of East Indians in Trinidad and Tobago during Indentureship (1845-1917). Tacarigua, Trinidad: Calaloux Publications, 1985.

Mills, James H. Cannabis Britannica: Empire, Trade, and Prohibition. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003.

Mott, Luiz. “A Maconha na História do Brasil.” In Diamba Sarabamba: Coletânea de textos Brasileiros Sobre a Maconha, edited by Anthony Henman and Osvaldo Pessoa Júnior, 117-136. São Paulo: Ground, 1986.

Pernambuco, Jarbas. “A Maconha em Pernambuco.” In Novos Estudos Afro-Brasileiros: Trabalhos Apresentados ao 1º Congresso Afro-Brasileiro realizado no Recife, em 1934, preface by Arthur Ramos, 185-191. Recife: Fundação Joaquim Nabuco, 1988 [1937].

Prashad, Vijay. Everybody was Kung Fu Fighting: Afro-Asian Connections and the Myth of Cultural Purity. Boston: Beacon Press, 2001.

Rubin, Vera, ed. Cannabis and Culture. The Hague: Mouton de Gruyter, 1975.

Share this post

Link to post

this is a National Geographic video, and not all that informative, but it does have lots of footage of the Kaligandaki Valley, or corridor, which cuts through the Himalaya in Nepal, and links South Asia to Central Asia

this seems to have been a busy ancient trade route going back at least 3000 years, which was inhabited by people from Central Asia and the Western Himalaya, as well as people from the far south of India - and formed an arm of the so-called 'Silk Road'

the Kaligandaki Corridor is definitely a candidate for a route (one of many, no doubt) by which people carried cannabis from its Central Asian homeland to South Asia


Edited by namkha

Share this post

Link to post

how do the mummies from the desert in china that were europian with cannabis fit into the story ?

Share this post

Link to post

They were a steppe peoples possibly sakha scythian who spoke a language called Tocharian. Indo European/Iranic/Aryan peoples used cannabis

Edited by Etruscan

Share this post

Link to post
Sign in to follow this  
Followers 0